What form will the interim government take in Bangladesh

 What form will the interim government take?

The only way citizens can truly ensure justice is by taking responsibility and participating in the electoral process to deliver a fair verdict.

It's premature to respond to the army chief's speech since he mentioned that more details about the interim government would be provided after his discussions with the president. However, it's important to highlight that he referred to Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned political party, while claiming to have engaged in discussions with all the major political parties in the country. Furthermore, his statement about consulting with all the significant political parties is inaccurate. For example, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) was not approached.

Prof Asif Nazrul was tasked with informing the students, yet the coordinators of the Students' Movement against Discrimination were not contacted. The comments made were unclear, with promises of clarity to come tomorrow. The protesters must stay vigilant until the demands of the quota reform movement are fully met.

The level of enthusiasm in this current movement is something we've never seen before. Even the 1969 Mass Uprising, which had organized leadership, didn't display such energy. While the quota reform movement doesn't follow the same structure, the leadership has been remarkably free of errors up to this point. In fact, public support for the movement has only grown, and it continues to maintain its momentum. What we are witnessing is the determination of ordinary students, willing to risk everything to secure their rights.

The Awami League government, having lost public support, resorted to brutal force to maintain power. The party's general secretary made remarks about Chhatra League, and we witnessed armed ruling party enforcers attacking the protesters, which only fueled the anger of the demonstrators. The (former) prime minister further aggravated the situation with her comments, intensifying the unrest. Following this, state-sponsored violence led to the deaths of six to seven people, yet the protesters remained undeterred. The authorities then began indiscriminate firing, but instead of quelling the movement, the number of protesting students only grew. On August 4, approximately 100 people lost their lives. Such a high death toll among unarmed civilians during a movement is unprecedented in post-liberation Bangladesh.

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The government should have promptly convened a cabinet meeting to announce their resignation. Several weeks ago, the prime minister mentioned that she would leave the task of bringing those responsible for the violence to justice in the hands of the citizens. If the citizens are to take on this responsibility, the only way justice can truly be served is through the outcome of an election. This wouldn’t have been difficult for the government to implement. A similar situation occurred before, following the fall of Ershad’s regime. At that time, he promised to transfer power, but there was no established procedure for doing so. We proposed creating one, and I personally drafted the plan. The same approach could have been applied this time as well.

Exploring Dhaka without spending money 

On Sunday night, August 4, people in Bangladesh went to bed deeply disturbed by the tragic loss of around 100 lives earlier in the day. The preceding days were equally terrifying. Initially an anti-discrimination movement, it evolved into a nine-point campaign for government accountability and eventually shifted to a single demand for the resignation of the government. The nation remained in a state of fear as the death toll reached hundreds over just under three weeks, all in response to these legitimate demands.

On the morning of August 5, the situation remained unchanged. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement had announced a "Long March to Dhaka" the previous day. With the anticipation of crowds converging on Dhaka from all corners of the country, the fear that had been building since July was only heightened by the potential—and later, confirmed—news of more unnecessary deaths.

"The tide began to change.

A rare national address by the Chief of Army Staff was scheduled for 2:00 pm, signaling the first indication of this shift. Across various areas of Dhaka, reports initially spoke of confrontations between protesters and law enforcement, but soon these turned into stories of police stepping back as crowds surged onto the streets."

"We decided to join the flow as well. Within Bashundhara R/A, a place known for its residents keeping to themselves, groups of 20, 40, or even more emerged from every block. The normally quiet streets were filled with the loud chants of 'Palaise re palaise, Hasina palaise' (Fled, fled! Hasina has fled!) as people moved towards the lively intersection in front of Jamuna Future Park at Nadda. Circles of people formed, dancing, clapping, and chanting. Their faces showed unrestrained joy, a sense of relief, and a release of the anger and dissent that had been held back for years. It appeared that many were unsure of what to express, with most managing only one powerful word: 'Bhua.'

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The joy, though simple, felt authentic. To our surprise, people were randomly distributing food and water for free—something we couldn’t recall seeing in our collective memory, as such small acts of kindness and unity seemed rare in this country. Rickshaw-pullers and CNG auto-rickshaw drivers joined the celebrations. The first rickshaw-puller we approached to take us towards Dhaka South politely declined, explaining that he wanted to head in the opposite direction to celebrate with the crowd, which was understandable. From that point on, no rickshaw-puller or CNG driver turned down our request, nor did they haggle over the fare. One of them even said, 'Joto khushi den bhara' (Pay whatever you feel like)."

In Gulshan, we observed people chanting slogans from within their Land Rovers, while those on foot were even louder. On the streets, children clad in red were cradled by their parents, and elderly citizens moved with a surprising vitality. Groups of young people walked with beaming faces, their expressions revealing a deep sense of accomplishment. The air was filled with an almost tangible collective sigh—a mix of unrestrained joy and the proud stride of newfound freedom.

However, not everything was peaceful. As expected, weeks of tension between the public and law enforcement boiled over, and when left unchecked on the streets, people lashed out at anything symbolizing government authority. In the Tejgaon Industrial Area, police boxes, political offices of the Awami League, and several unidentifiable roadside structures were set ablaze. The air was thick with smoke, making it difficult to breathe. While most carried sticks and pieces of wood, in some areas, more dangerous weapons were visible. In Karwan Bazar, buses parked in front of government offices were left charred and shattered. On Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue, the main route for those moving from Shahbagh to Ganabhaban, the crowd threw brickbats at the ATN News office building, paying little regard to the safety of their fellow protesters who were directly below.

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By 4:30 p.m., some people were already using the same road to return, having participated in the storming of the Prime Minister's Office and Ganabhaban in Bijoy Sarani. Among the crowd, individuals proudly displayed their loot, which ranged from ornate-looking china to seemingly worthless sofa cushions. Their faces, which might have otherwise appeared courageous, instead had an unsettling intensity. In the same procession where a police car was being crushed by a group of furious citizens, just a hundred yards back, a young boy picked a yellow flower from a roadside garden for the girl accompanying him, a stark reminder that the day was one of chaotic emotion—both positive and negative.

Bangladesh has just experienced a day of immense historical significance, and those on the streets seem aware of it. The struggles, sacrifices, and emotions that have brought the nation to this moment give us hope that history will remember August 5, 2024, favorably. However, for that to be true, the people of Bangladesh must learn to unite and rebuild the country together.

We must preserve the collective spirit.

To establish a tranquil and thriving Bangladesh, we must leverage the national unity that has emerged.

The journey to this point involved tremendous sacrifices, starting with Abu Sayed. Many of our students and children became martyrs, while others suffered injuries from tear gas and rubber bullets. Numerous individuals, including minors, were arrested. While this can be seen as a form of victory, the grief for those we've lost still lingers. Even now, we continue to lose lives. The memory of those who participated in the protests of that bloody July will forever be honored and respected.

Bangladesh's history has seen similar moments, whether in 1971 or 1990. Unfortunately, we missed the opportunity each time. The hopes that people placed in various political parties over the years were repeatedly shattered, as politicians consistently prioritized their own interests over those of the people.

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This protest stands out because it hasn't been driven by any specific political party; its strength lies in the widespread participation of people from all walks of life. Those who failed to learn from history and misused the legacy of the Liberation War to foster corruption and suffering—we have finally managed to bid them farewell. Reflecting on the last 15 years, we demand justice for all the wrongs committed. Those responsible for the loss of lives during the July movement, who wielded weapons ranging from shotguns to sniper rifles, must be held accountable under both national and international laws. Moreover, the hardships faced by the people, including the rising costs of essential goods and the heavy tax burdens, must be addressed.

In the past, we have experienced disillusionment; we don't want to return to a time when politicians served their own interests. We aspire to build a better nation in honor of the martyrs of 1971, as well as those who sacrificed their lives in July and August of 2024. We envision an inclusive governance system that recognizes all citizens of Bangladesh as equals, regardless of gender, religion, or other differences. We seek this commitment from the state and want it to become a lasting reality. Let Bangladesh embark on a new journey, one that fulfills the dreams of all those who have made the ultimate sacrifice.

The success we've achieved cannot be credited to any specific group; it belongs to the students, especially the six coordinators and many others who took significant risks to organize this. However, much remains to be done. We must promptly address the pressing issues, including identifying those who have passed away, providing medical care to the injured, and ensuring that families in distress find safer ways to sustain themselves.

Military rule has never brought positive outcomes for any country, and our situation is no different. The need for an inclusive government is crucial. The national unity we've seen must be harnessed to build a peaceful and healthy Bangladesh, distinct from the challenges of the past 53 years. We must stand together and not let the unity that has emerged from this movement fade away. We must avoid falling into the trap of idolizing any individual. Regardless of our identities, classes, or backgrounds, we are all Bangladeshi people, and it is essential that the nation retains this collective identity.

source: The Daily Star